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Napoleon and his successors have increased the literary character of imperialism, have written monitor articles, pamphlets and memoirs and they have continued Caesar's universal publicity machine of the leaflet and newspaper factory and journalism production work. Hermann Schiller explains, to be sure, the failure, also Mommsen, of the admired and brilliant design of Caesar's monarchy out of the circumstance that after the death of the dictator the enactment fell into the hands of men, "who next to the genius of the first emperor appeared mediocre.

Caesar's plan, to be sure, would have had the mistaken design, as explained by his nature, that it was specifically a military monarchy, that should be combined with popular freedom and the misfortune of the time would result from that "inconceivable delusion," with which successors immortalized this mistake and retained as an "official lie. This transformation of the citizenry into a beggar people must already have begun under Caesar and he himself, as warlord and judge over war and peace, had to establish the military monarchy that he needed to control the senate and to preserve peace and quiet among the masses.

That was the Caesarien organization, admired by modern historians, after two hundred years of battle between emperor and Senate was barely good and strong enough, after the increase in its military character compared with the other offices heaped upon the emperor failed, to defend the Latin races against the onslaught of the Germans and to spare them for the excitements of later times.

And still the Latins of Italy and Spain owed their last rescue to the absolute emperors of Byzantine and the Arabs. With all this that both Romans had, of whom Mommsen can raise only the one, in order to depress the other, a large enough heart in order to comprehend and process the greatest issues and questions of the world of their time. Caesar recognized that the nations which the weapons of the republic had subdued would no longer be treated as a private matter of a city and its families, and he withdrew the exploitations of the Roman parties to whom he gave the death blow.

Cicero announced this world, born in the civil wars, a morality that went beyond the interests and particular rights of the triumphant minority city. He was monarchical in the sense that he tried to grasp, following the instructions of the Greeks, to comprehend the "highest and last," to which all rules of the virtuous life and right actions relate back must be reduced" De Summo Bono 1, 14 , and he united "the entire world into a society, to which belong the gods and the human beings who are related to them by race" De Legibus l, He [Cicero] behaved at the time of the fluctuating solution, often perplexed, driving the cult of his own personality to extreme heights.

With equal enthusiasm he indulged himself in the memory of his own consulship that saved the nation, as well as in self-observation of his own melancholy, self destruction and misfortune. He had to pay dearly for this cult as well as his vacillations through the literary immortalization of his ever changing portrait, although he became the first in a long series of those who sacrificed themselves in their confessions of their weaknesses and errors to the judgments of others, before the cheap seat of the judgment of posterity through the very candor of such a sensitive nature.

Nevertheless, the Caesarean culture was not able to forever subjugate this personality that continually fluctuated in deceptions, this personality that felt so great and valuable that it would soon have to parish rather than be thrown out itself in the process of mere equalization under the Caesars. Cicero composed his works on the new world morality under the dictatorship of Caesar and later on until Octavian ended the triumvirate against the ruling class. Even before the breach between Caesar and Pompeii, he had already in his writing "De Republica" expressed his conviction that "the republic had perished through the vices of its citizens, not through some accident, and existed now only as a word.

After the testimony of Pliny-the-Elder Historia Naturalis 7, 31 Caesar wrote about his philosophical opponent that "the laurel of his triumphs would be more glorious, than he implies, that the Roman genius was expanded more through spiritual means than through empire domination. He was able to practice such magnanimity as a victor. Cicero, the politically vanquished, who pulled himself together after this defeat to construct a world community directed toward the highest goal and searched thereby for its own deliverance, had not been able to accept the idea that the democratic leveling off of parties and nations was necessary for victory of his world morality and that Caesar's beggars supplied the material for his spiritual community.

Soon Cicero's suggestions and the increased influx of Greek wisdom had such an effect on Rome that a Spaniard, who did not carry the old memories of Rome growing in his heart, was able to come and use the leveled ground of the metropolis as the right place for his community foundation.

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That was Seneca. Rome and the world had gotten a new divinity through the battle at Actium. A power, such as Augustus realized after the victory over Antonius' defeat, had Rome never seen. He himself was inclined to recognize in his peace work review the fulfillment of a divine movement, and the people were no less agreed to honor in the peacemaker of the civil wars and give peace as a message of heaven and in him the personification of the power of Rome.

The converted opponents to Rome themselves decorated their submission to the victor by elevating him into a divine providence and the poets, such as "Virgil, celebrated the shoot of the divine Caesar under the mask of Aeneas as a founder of the empire and praised him, like Horace, as the earthly representative of mighty Jupiter.

Rome had, therefore, as Valerius Maximus expressed it Prologus Ad Tiberium placed on the throne of Caesar a mediator between heaven and earth and the people, before the Christians with their sermon from their mediator and anointed one appeared. Therefore, in the coming centuries there was a division in the "world between the worshipers of both incarnations, a battle that lasted as long as the political power of Rome survived in the process of dying out. The Christian incarnation won out when the emperor turned away from Rome and laid the halo, that marked his office of Roman high priest and mediator, at the feet of the crucified one.

This battle of the Caesars against the representatives of the divine splendor was, however, already happening a long time before Christianity appeared.

Historical Reality and Fabrication

Yes, the road to victory had already been thrown open. The trailblazer was Greek philosophy. The efforts of Augustus for the renewal of the old cult rebounded in Rome itself with the confluence of Greek, Oriental and African elements, that streamed into the capital and brought along their own kinds of religious services. Upper and lower classes among the natives were stirred by the magic of the alien cults and arose among the foreign services. The same Virgil, who in his work Aeneas celebrated the piety of the Caesarian restorer of religion, interwove into a portion of the Stoic world soul, one of his shining passages Aeneid 6, ff.

And the same Horace, who praised in Augustus as the one next to Jupiter, dedicates one of his most inspiring poems to the person who is "just and steadfast, who is shaken by neither the illegal command of the rubble, nor the threatening countenance of the tyrant nor the mighty hand of Jupiter shaking. He had "delivered himself" in Areus, out of Alexandria, after the custom adopted by important people since the times of the Scipios. Augustus had in Arius Didymas his own philosopher and Livia also surrendered to him to seek consolation after the death of her son Drusus Sencca, Ad Marciam, chapter 4.

Augustus had him in his entourage when he took him in after the battle in Actium and in his speech in Alexandria, in which he announced to the Alexandrians pardon for their support of Anthony, pointed him out as one of his motives for his clemency Dio Cassius 51, The same spiritual guides provided in other palaces and houses for the spiritual needs of the important people. In former times they had been teachers of new theories and now, after the civil wars, they were practical soul guides, spiritual directors, comforters in misfortunes and hearers of confessions for the Romans.

Canus Julius, who received his death sentence from Emperor Caligula with an expression of thanks and died with quiet and composure, was escorted on his last walk by "his philosopher" Seneca, De Tranquilitate, chapter Thrasea took with his son-in-law Helvidius the Cynic Demetrius, like a kind of domestic chaplain, into the room where he opened his own veins, and he kept his eyes on him while dying a slow and painful death Tacit, Annals 16, To gather oneself, work on one's own improvement, suffer, tolerate and die had become the goal of life.

The later phrase from the gospel: "but one thing is necessary" Luke 10, 42 had long ago become the motto of the times, "Persue with all your might the one thing and forget all the back and forth and vain games of reason," wrote Seneca Epist. The one thing toward which the first masters of the Stoa turned, was the internal peace of the heart.

The Socrates of Plato had preceded them in this concern. On the way to visit "Protagoras," he asked a young friend, who promised for himself of the sophist the miracle of wisdom, whether he had also kept in mind, in what danger he could bring his soul, that most beautiful gem upon which depends all good fortune and misfortune in life. This concern for the soul had taken hold so much at the outset of Roman imperialism that the dialectic and logical investigations of the Stoics, that had fallen into decay early on, had been met with disdain.

Seneca expresses the mood of his time, when he pours out his mockery upon the guidebooks to logic of the Stoic school. Seneca and his contemporaries knew that the spiritual goods, that circulated in their presentations and writings, were not produced by them. They had taken them from the Greeks and sometimes their hearts skipped a beat when they asked themselves the question, what had they done to increase and process the foreign treasure? Seneca consoled himself that the Romans had sought and found the "remedies" left behind by those of old Epist.

He himself believed that one should actively censure and effectively reproach vices with "oratorical fire, tragic greatness, comical subtlety" Epist. In this sense, his predecessors had always given oratorical emphasis to their recommendation of Greek wisdom. These were the Tribunes of the empire and they continued in the times of Tiberius, Caligula and Claudius to support the effectiveness of the speakers at the Forum. But constricted by the status of peace, that together with the great political parties had also put an end to the contest of eloquence between candidate and candidate, person and person, they were restricted in their thundering speeches to generalities, and as an expression of their convictions and as weapons of attack they had little left besides exaggeration.

They became the predecessors of Christian preachers of the fourth century and of the later Bossuet, Bourdaloue and Reinhard. They spoke as if they were sitting in judgment of the world and its rulers in court. Rome, its important people and financial barons, had regarded the provinces as a field, which belonged to them to loot and plunder, and they had amassed the treasures of the world into the capital.

Into the gospels and epistles of The New Testament, these same protests against greed found their way. What frenzy, with which the powerful displayed their loot taken from the world with which the emperors refilled the treasury emptied by waste, through confiscation and execution, a process that reached its climax under Nero and again, through the consumption of the material, diminished toward the end of Nero's government in the same proportion as the fire of the Stoic preachers also abated in the end of Nero's government.

The preachers' school, in which Seneca was educated, became "the Sextian school of Roman power that began with an impressive start," as Seneca himself put it in one of his last writings Nature.

He had, however, completed his work. The seed, that he had thrown into the hearts, germinated and bore fruit -- in Christianity. The donor of that school, Quintus Sextius, a contemporary of Caesar, declined honorable high offices himself Seneca, Epist. Inspired by Cynicism and Stoicism, he opened a free school and ignited a firestorm for his time both through his speeches as well as through his writings. De Ira 3, 36 and stood all evening after the end of his day's work in his chamber before himself to test his sense of responsibility.

Another of his teachers, the Alexandrian Sotion, won him over to entirely abstain from eating meat and it was only in the time of Tiberius when foreign cults were banished from Rome that he yielded to the requests of his father, who was afraid of slander and who because of the connection between abstinence from certain animals with foreign "superstition," returned to again eat the usual food Epist. Another teacher, the already mentioned Attalus, who Epist.

The work of the Sextians was continued by the Cynics and their strong typesetters. When the youth lost their noble orators, bearded impromptu teachers attracted their public audience and also the interest of the important people to the streets. Demetrius, who flourished under Nero and was later reprimanded under Vespasian and once banished from Rome, was the most important of these street apostles. Seneca was for him an object of total veneration. He called him the strong and noble one; his words echo those of Seneca, he hears his sayings with a totally different ear when he finds him lying in his house on the floor half naked; in his thoughts Seneca is always with him, even at court among the wearers of purple, and he converses with him, not with those in power; he is for him a witness testis not just a teacher of the truth Providentia, chpt.

Their old master, Diogenes, still enjoyed the same reputation as in the time of Alexander. Seneca calls him with admiration a "man of powerful spirit" Tranq. They already knew about indulging in misfortune, the Beatitudes of the poor, in which the suffering and hunger in the biblical Sermon on The Mount Matt. And when Seneca's Demetrius said, "he could think of nothing more unpleasant than a person who has never met with hard luck" Provid. The same Demetrius gave the bliss of suffering an equally strong expression when he proclaimed Seneca Epist.

There was among them house assaulters, "door breakers," soul inspectors, who announced the time of their return for conversion to those who were carefree and laughing. The thought that this apostolate was still alive among the Stoics and Cynic itinerant preachers at the end of the first and start of the second century without Christ.

Arrian writes for example Epictet. Seneca knew as little as Tacitus about the inner qualities of Judaism when he, without being aware of it, compiled from the theological material of Stoicism and by means of the ascetic mood of his time a rich collection of sayings, that should bear fruit in a spiritualist branch of the Jewish community.